Solidarity Without Borders

En español abajo | Photo slideshow

To our sisters and brothers of The People’s Front in Defense of the Land:

To our Zapatista sisters and brothers:

To our compañer@s, adherents of the Other Campaign in Mexico:

To our compañer@s adherents of the Zezta Internazional:

To our compañer@s adherents of the International Campaign in Defense of El Barrio and our allies from all over the world:

From the Other New York and zapatista East Harlem, which is not for sale and does not forget the prisoners of Atenco, receive a greeting from the women, men, and children, those socially marginalized and globally excluded, who belong to The Other Campaign New York, Movement for Justice in El Barrio:

We are writing to share with you that this past Sunday, June 7th, 2009, we held here, in zapatista East Harlem known as El Barrio, the Second New York City Encuentro for Dignity and Against Displacement, with the participation of 38 organizations representing the resistance against neoliberalism in New York, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts. This second encuentro, just as the first one – held two years ago -, was inspired by the encuentros of the Zapatistas in Mexico from below and to the left, in order to get know each other and recognize one another in our struggles for a world where many worlds fit and against neoliberal exclusion.

As The People’s Front in Defense of the Land expressed in their message sent to us from Atenco for our Second Encuentro: “One fight unites us, the fight against capitalism. It does not matter where we find ourselves, in Harlem, Bombay, Buenos Aires, Zaragoza, Sidney, Cochabamba, Paris, Manchester, the fight against all forms of domination are one and the same.” This is what we confirmed in this encuentro, where in addition to exchanging experiences and informing each other about our forms of struggle, we had the opportunity to go into depth about who we are, where we are, the conditions we face, our forms of struggle, who is our enemy, and what is our dream. We arrived at the conclusion that, just as we did in the First Encuentro, the enemy of the organizations fighting displacement is the capitalist system of global exclusion, including the fact that this system has allies who operate at a local level as tools of the system.

As our compañero Filiberto expressed, representing Movement for Justice in El Barrio:

“Eviction and displacement are happening all over the world. Which is why we have to organize so that united we can destroy this corrupt system in its entirety. Here in El Barrio we have realized that the Mayor Mike Bloomberg and the city council members: Melissa Mark-Viverito, Robert Jackson, and Inez Dickens do not represent the community and on the contrary support and implement aggressive plans for displacement. These politicians have approved projects that directly affect the entire community, they make the people think that they are for the development and progress of the community, but they do not publicize the bad side of their proposals…

“By keeping themselves in a position to fill their pockets with money, these politicians are capable of buying the people, as in the case of one of our compañeros whom Melissa Mark-Viverito offered money to in exchange for abandoning Movement and working with her, but he refused and did not sell out. But we know that certain organizations and groups do sell out and receive money from politicians and do not represent the community, also they do fake publicity stunts and promote themselves as being against displacement when everything is the contrary.”

The distinct groups from New York that participated in our round table discussion echoed this reflection. Representatives from the Thomas Jefferson Houses Tenants Association, Coalition to Preserve Community, Harlem Tenants Council, Sunset Park Alliance of Neighbors, and the combative group CAAAV from Chinatown were there, amongst others, including the group Make the Road New York that presented us with a skit about their struggle, with songs that spoke about the deplorable housing conditions they face and the useless or false response from the landlords and politicians.

Through this exchange CAAAV informed us that, in Chinatown, urban rezoning plans in the last year have accelerated to the point that people must remove all of their belongings and evacuate their homes within three hours. Meanwhile, in Harlem, the criminilization of being young and African American is a tactic of war against the community in order to expel them, not just from Harlem but from the entire system, since the young people who are arrested and marked with criminal records will no loner have access to basic services, such as housing, and to essential human rights, such as education. “Our young people are being killed in our streets by the police, for the single fact of being youth,” expressed our compañeros.

With respect to the subject of education, which should be free, and the repression of youth, we want to share with our fellow student and youth members of The Other Campaign the reflections concerning the rezoning plans in the surrounding area of Columbia University, which is a private university. “They tell us that the university is good, that it cooperates with the community, and that the reurbanization plans for its surrounding areas are good for the community because they will bring a safe environment. But how? As soon as neighborhoods become residential zones, along with evicting the original community members through violent means, police arrive, sieges arrive, armed detectives arrive,” expressed our compañero from the Coalition to Preserve Community in the surrounding area of Columbia University, pointing out that this has to do with a system of global exclusion. Referring to a university that promotes excluding rebellious and informed students and educating only the elites of the United States, he stated, “It is not just the elites of this country but the elites of the whole world, so it will be those who are privileged who will be displacing poor people from communities.”

For their part, the representatives of that community told us the history of Central and West Harlem and of the streets that are beginning to change due to Mayor Bloomberg’s plans to rezone the area. A fundamental part of our dialogue referred to those allies of the system: elected public officials that, in their district, try to bribe the people, and the “community boards” that first tried to fool the people into believing that the displacement will only happen with their opinion. “Meanwhile, the contracts with the big construction companies were already signed a long time ago; the government officials and the members of these community boards already know the pact is made since before: they don’t fool us,” expressed the representing organizations.

Likewise, one of the aspects of our struggle in our very own community, El Barrio, consists of dealing with cosmetic organizations that, paid for by the local government, try to confuse the community by organizing activities that don’t represent the local community, with merely theatrical effects, without any social or economic repercussions, even falsely imitating symbols of the social struggle. While they do this, they promote the political agenda of public officials that approve and impose, from above, their plans of displacement.

Nonetheless, we were pleased to see that, at this second encuentro, in addition to the organizations in favor of our same cause and that were with us two years ago, many more organizations joined us as well.

In the segment of our program that followed, we showed the New York City premiere of the video that we received about the struggle in New Orleans against neoliberal displacement. As very few know, at the end of last year, the City Council of New Orleans, made up by mostly white people, not only allowed an attack, but they themselves ridiculed in front of the cameras, the protestors, members of the African American community, victims of Hurricane Katrina whose homes were demolished in order to build luxury condos. They were reprimanded, beaten, sprayed with tear gas and arrested.

We expressed our solidarity with the people of New Orleans in resistance and we reiterated our struggle is not only local, but also national.

And worldwide...

It extends from New York to New Orleans and from here to Atenco, Mexico. With great excitement we read the message from our sisters and brothers from Atenco and we concluded this dialogue by showing a video about the repression in Atenco. In the video we also showed the different protests that happened in distinct parts of the world during the day of solidarity with Atenco, including the takeover of the consulate in New York on May 4th by the members of Movement for Justice in El Barrio, who succeeded in entering the consulate, unfolding their signs once inside, marching, chanting loudly, demanding the liberation of the 12 political prisoners and handing out to the people in line copies of videos of the struggle of Atenco, which made the authorities shut down the Consulate.

The pain was shared, but also the solidarity and the joy of recognizing one another: of knowing that we are not alone. In closing, once again, we asked the children to break the neoliberal piñata. They broke it with force and, by doing so, found candy, just like candy are the fruits we hope to find in the end of this struggle for a world where many worlds fit, for peace and justice, dignified housing, health, and education for all, and for the liberty of political prisoners in Atenco, in Mexico, and throughout the world.

Our heart is with all of you.

We are all Atenco!

Liberty for political prisoners!

Long live the Other Campaign!

And long live the Zapatista Army for National Liberation!

Fraternally:

Movement for Justice in El Barrio.
The Other Campaign New York

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A nuestr@s hermanas y hermanos del Frente de Pueblos en Defensa de la Tierra:

A nuestr@s hermanas y hermanos zapatistas:

A nuestr@s compañer@s, adherentes de La Otra Campaña en México.

A nuestr@s companer@s de la Zezta Internazional:

A nuestr@s companer@s adherentes a la Campaña Internacional en Defensa de El Barrio y nuestros aliados de todo el mundo:

Desde la Otra Nueva York y el Este del Harlem zapatista que no se vende y que no olvida a los presos de Atenco, reciban un saludo de las mujeres, hombres y niñ@s, los marginados sociales y excluidos globalmente, pertenecientes a La Otra Campaña Nueva York, Movimiento por Justicia del Barrio:

Les escribimos para compartir con ustedes que este domingo 7 de junio de 2009, realizamos aquí, en el Este del Harlem zapatista conocido como El Barrio, el Segundo Encuentro Nueva York por la Dignidad y Contra el Desplazamiento, con la participación de 38 organizaciones sociales representativas de la resistencia contra el neoliberalismo en Nueva York, Connecticut, Nueva Jersey, Pensilvania y Massachusetts. Este segundo encuentro, al igual que el primero -realizado hace dos años-, se inspiró en los encuentros realizados por l@s zapatistas en el México de abajo y a la izquierda, para conocernos y reconocernos en nuestras luchas por un mundo donde quepan muchos mundos y contra la exclusión neoliberal.

Como nos manifestó el Frente de Pueblos en Defensa de la Tierra en su mensaje enviado desde Atenco para nuestro Segundo Encuentro: “Una lucha nos une, la lucha contra el capitalismo. No importa desde donde nos encontremos, en Harlem, Bombay, Buenos Aires, Zaragoza, Sídney, Cochabamba, Paris, Manchester, la lucha contra las formas de dominación son las mismas”. Eso fue lo que corroboramos en este encuentro donde, además de intercambiar experiencias e informarnos sobre nuestras formas de lucha, tuvimos la oportunidad de profundizar sobre quiénes somos, dónde estamos, qué condiciones enfrentamos, cuáles son nuestras formas de lucha, quién es nuestro enemigo, y cuál es nuestro sueño. Llegamos a la conclusión de que, si bien tal como nos habíamos planteado en nuestro Primer Encuentro, el “enemigo” de las agrupaciones que luchan contra el desplazamiento es un sistema capitalista de exclusión global, también es verdad que ese sistema tiene aliados que operan a nivel local como herramientas de ese sistema.

Tal como expresó nuestro compañero Filiberto, en representación de Movimiento por Justicia del Barrio:

“...El desalojo y el desplazamiento está pasando en todo el mundo. Es por ello que nos tenemos que organizar para que unidos podamos derrotar a todo este sistema corrupto: aquí, en El Barrio, nos hemos dado cuenta que el alcalde Mike Bloomberg y los concejales Melissa Mark-Viverito, Robert Jackson e Inez Dickens, no representan a la comunidad, y por el contrario, ellos respaldan e implementan planes agresivos de desalojo. Han aprobado proyectos que afectan de manera directa a toda la comunidad en general; ellos hacen pensar al pueblo que todo esto lo hacen para el desarrollo y progreso del pueblo, pero no anuncian el lado malo de sus propuestas...

“Ellos, por mantenerse en el puesto llenándose los bolsillos de dinero, son capaces de tratar de comprar al pueblo, como en el caso de uno de nuestros compañeros, al cual la concejal Melissa Mark-Viverito le ofreció dinero a cambio de que abandonara Movimiento y para que trabajara con ella, pero él se negó y no se vendió... Pero sabemos que ciertas organizaciones y grupos sí se venden y reciben dinero por parte de los funcionarios, y no representan a la comunidad; además, se hacen propaganda falsa y se promueven que están en contra del desalojo cuando es todo lo contrario”.

Hicieron eco de esta reflexión las distintas agrupaciones de Nueva York que participaron en nuestra mesa redonda. Compartieron sus luchas representantes de la Asociación Inquilinaria Thomas Jefferson, de la Coalición para Preservar a la Comunidad, del Consejo de Inquilinos de Harlem, de la Alianza de Vecinos Sunset Park, y del combativo grupo CAAAV del Barrio Chino, entre otros, además de que el grupo Se Hace Camino en Nueva York nos presentó una obra de teatro sobre su lucha, con canciones que hablaban sobre las deplorables condiciones de vivienda que enfrentan y la nula o falsa respuesta de los propietarios y politicos.

Mediante este intercambio nos informamos de que, en Chinatown (Barrio Chino), los planes de rezonificación urbana en el último año se han acelerado a tal grado que a la gente se le obliga a sacar todas sus pertenencias y evacuar sus casas en un plazo de tres horas. Mientras tanto, en Harlem, la criminalización por el hecho de ser joven y afroestadounidense es una táctica de guerra contra la comunidad para expulsarla, no sólo de Harlem sino del sistema entero, pues los jóvenes a los se les arresta y se les marca con antecedentes penales después ya no tendrán acceso a los servicios básicos, como es la vivienda, y a los derechos humanos elementales, como lo es el de la educación. “Nuestros jóvenes están siendo asesinados en nuestras calles por la policía, por el sólo hecho de ser jóvenes”, expresaron nuestros compañeros participantes.

Respecto al tema de la educación, que debería de ser gratuita, y de la represión a los jóvenes, queremos compartir con nuestros compañeros adherentes de La Otra Campaña jóvenes y estudiantes las reflexiones respecto a los planes de rezonificación en los alrededores de la Universidad de Columbia, que es una universidad privada. “Se nos dice que la universidad es buena, que coopera con la comunidad, y que los planes de reurbanización de sus alrededores son buenos para la comunidad porque van a traer un ambiente seguro. ¿Pero cuál? En cuanto los barrios se convierten en zonas residenciales, además de desalojar a los antiguos pobladores con métodos violentos, llegan los policías, llegan los cercos, llegan los detectives armados”, nos manifestó el compañero representante de la Coalición para Preservar a la Comunidad en los alrededores de la universidad de Columbia, señalando que se trata de un sistema de exclusión mundial. Al referirse a una universidad que se propone excluir a sus estudiantes rebeldes e informados y educar sólo a las élites de Estados Unidos, señaló: “No sólo son las élites del país sino las élites de todo el mundo, entonces serán los privilegiados quienes estarán desplazando a la gente pobre de los barrios”.

Por su parte, los compañeros representantes de ese pueblo nos contaron de la historia del Centro y Oeste de Harlem y de las calles que están empezando a cambiar debido a los planes del alcalde Bloomberg de rezonificarlo. Una parte fundamental de nuestro debate se refirió a los aliados del sistema: los funcionarios públicos electos que, en su localidad, tratan de sobornar a los pobladores, y las “juntas comunitarias municipales” que incluso en un principio engañaron a la gente haciéndole creer que el desalojo se hará pidiéndole su opinión. “Mientras tanto, los contratos con las grandes constructoras ya están firmados desde hace mucho; los gobernantes y los miembros de las juntas ya saben que el pacto está hecho desde antes: no nos engañemos”, expresaron los representantes.

Asimismo, uno de los aspectos de nuestra lucha en nuestra propia comunidad de El Barrio consiste en enfrentar agrupaciones cosméticas que, pagadas por el gobierno local, tratan de confundir a la población realizando actos que no tienen una representatividad de la comunidad local, con efectos meramente teatrales, sin ninguna repercusión social ni económica e incluso, imitando falsamente los emblemas de la lucha social. Mientras hacen esto, ellos promueven la agenda politica de los funcionarios publicos que aprueban y imponen, desde arriba, sus planes de desplazamiento.

Sin embargo, nos dio gusto ver que, a este segundo encuentro, además de la mayoría de las organizaciones partidarias de nuestra misma causa y que estuvieron con nosotros hace dos años, se sumaron otras muchas también independientes.

En el siguiente segmento de nuestro programa, proyectamos el estreno en Nueva York del video que recibimos sobre la lucha en Nueva Orleáns contra el desplazamiento neoliberal. Como muy pocos saben, a finales del año pasado, el Concejo Municipal de Nueva Orleáns, formado en su gran mayoria por gente blanca, no sólo permitió un ataque, sino que se burló ante las cámaras, de los manifestantes, pobladores de raza negra, damnificados del huracán Katrina a quienes ahora les demolieron sus viviendas para construir zonas de lujo. Éstos fueron reprimidos, golpeados, rociados con gases lacrimógenos y arrestados.

Expresamos nuestra solidaridad para el pueblo de Nueva Orleáns en resistencia y reiteramos que nuestra lucha no sólo es local, sino nacional.

Y mundial...

Se extiende de Nueva York a Nueva Orleáns y desde aquí a Atenco, México. Con gran emoción leímos el mensaje de nuestros hermanos de Atenco y concluimos ese debate con la proyección de un video sobre la represión en Atenco. En él, mostramos también las diferentes protestas que ocurrieron en distintas partes del mundo durante la jornada de solidaridad con Atenco, incluyendo la toma del consulado de México en Nueva York efectuada el 4 de Mayo por los compañeros de Movimiento por Justicia del Barrio, quienes lograron entrar al consulado, desdoblar sus pancartas una vez dentro, marchar, gritar consignas, exigir la liberacion de los 12 presos politicos y repartir a la gente formada copias de los videos de la lucha de Atenco, lo que hizo que las autoridades cerraran el Consulado.

Se compartió el dolor, pero también la solidaridad y la alegría de reconocernos: de saber que no estamos solos. Para concluir, una vez más pedimos a los niños asistentes que rompieran la piñata del neoliberalismo. La rompieron con fuerza y, al hacerlo, encontraron dulces, como dulces son los frutos que esperamos encontrar al final de esta lucha por un mundo donde quepan muchos mundos, por la paz con justicia, vivienda digna, salud y educación para todos, y por la libertad a los presos políticos de Atenco, de México y del mundo.

Nuestro corazón está con ustedes.

¡Todos somos Atenco!

¡Libertad a los presos políticos!

¡Viva La Otra Campaña!

¡Y que viva el Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional!

Fraternalmente:

Movimiento por Justicia del Barrio.
La Otra Campaña Nueva York

Holding on in East Harlem and Points West, North and South

by Black Agenda Report executive editor Glen Ford

“Neoliberalism is the root cause of rampaging gentrification and displacement, from New York to New Orleans to Atenco, Mexico.” Keen observers of political-economy would agree with this assessment from Zapatista-inspired community activists in Spanish Harlem, who recently organized an “encuentro” with similar minded Black and Asian activists. All concluded that the issue is bigger than Harlem: “This displacement is created by the greed, ambition and violence of a global empire of money that seeks to take total control of all the land, labor and life on earth.”

“The money that is creating displacement all across the country is due to neoliberalism.”

“We Shall Not Be Moved” and “The People United Will Never Be Defeated” read the placards – in Spanish. Activists packed the Encuentro on East 116th Street in Harlem - “Zapatista East Harlem,” the organizers called it – to find common ground in the battle against the global scourge of neoliberalism, the root cause of rampaging gentrification and displacement “from New York to New Orleans to Atenco, Mexico.”

“The money that is creating displacement all across the country is due to neoliberalism,” declared Asian American activist Bin Liang in the opening film presentation for the Second NYC Encuentro for Dignity and Against Displacement, held June 7 by the Movement for Justice in El Barrio (MJB). MJB's politics is proudly Zapatista, inspired by the indigenous rebellion centered in Chiapas, Mexico, that caught the world's attention in1994. Only in recent decades have Mexicans been present in large numbers in New York City, where Puerto Ricans and, later, Dominicans have long dominated the Latino landscape. The encuentro (meaning “meeting” or “encounter”) is part of the Zapatista's “Other” campaign to unite those who are commonly oppressed by capital – the “Others” - in a movement from “below and to the left.”

The MJB has been locked in battle with the Dawnay-Day Group, a gentrifier-from-hell (actually, London) that has attempted to force tenants from scores of Harlem buildings to make way for the upper-income crowd. “Now that we found ourselves fighting with a multinational corporation, we decided we had to make our own struggle international,” said Movement member Oscar Dominguez. But leadership comes from the people on the block. “The tenants who live in those buildings are making the decisions on their own struggle. We need to ask the community, which way we should go.”

“The developers and landlords have overleveraged themselves.”

The odds against tenants narrowed with the economic meltdown, precipitated by collapse of the same investment banks that have funded gentrification in New York, nationally and worldwide. “Something strange happened on the way to the bank,” said Nellie Bailey, executive director of the Harlem Tenants Council. “The developers and landlords are absorbed in their own problems because they have overleveraged themselves.”

In many cases, the speculators have gone bust, victims of a crisis of their own making. “All these projects are on hold,” said Bailey. “This is a time for us to begin our own analysis of the struggle.”

Even with developers flat on their backs, their billionaire champion in City Hall is determined to maintain the pace of gentrification. Michael Bloomberg's wealth “has tripled since he became mayor of this city,” Bailey told the crowd on 116th Street. “He wants to add one million new residents to the city. I suggest to you that this growth is at the exclusion of the working class of New York City.”

Money attracts stooges and flunkies like manure draws flies. Harlem's elected officials and their self-aggrandizing organizations are largely beholden to the same developers - and mayor - that are driving their constituents into exile. Said Tom DeMott, of the Coalition to Preserve Community: “Local development corporations are our enemies...we have to remember them at all times.”

The rich and their servants in government have found myriad methods of pushing out the poor. Pearl Barkley, of the Thomas Jefferson Houses Tenant Association, also represents Mothers Against Abusive Policing. “Our main mission,” she said, “is to fight against police abuse of our youth, which is being used to make them ineligible for housing.” Persons with criminal records can be barred from public housing. Police seek to “criminalize the youth, so in the future you are not eligible for low income housing, and for jobs.”

“Mayor Bloomberg is determined to maintain the pace of gentrification.”

The Zapatista-inspired activists of the Movement for Justice in El Barrio speak much the same language as their fellow New Yorkers (and Chicagoans and Atlantans). In the MJB's “International Declaration in Defense of El Barrio,” issued shortly before this month's gathering, the group said:

“This displacement is created by the greed, ambition and violence of a global empire of money that seeks to take total control of all the land, labor and life on earth. Here in El Barrio (East Harlem, New York City), landlords, multi-national corporations and local, state and federal politicians and institutions want to force upon us their culture of money, they want to displace poor families and rent their apartments to rich people, white people with money. They want to change the look of our neighborhoods, with the excuse of 'developing the community.' They want to remove from the street the street vendors, who earn an honorable and dignified living, the families that have their own small businesses and small restaurants, small clothing stores, and the small bodegas on the corners in our neighborhood. They want to displace us to bring in their luxury restaurants their expensive and large clothing stores, their supermarket chains. They want to change our neighborhood. They want to change our culture. They want to change that which makes us Latino, African-American, Asian and Indigenous. They want to change everything that makes us El Barrio.”

For the last event of the evening, young barrio children took turns, blindfolded, swinging sticks at a pinata hanging from the ceiling. The round paper object of their aggression was labeled “Neoliberalism.” Good training for the future.

By Mandeep Dhillon - January 8, 2009

A companera of the movement in Huajuapan de León, in the state of Oaxaca says that they are “Mixtercos” - that is stubborn, stubborn, stubborn.. That they fight for everything. But that being stubborn has also allowed them to survive more than 500 years of attempts to extinguish them at the hands of colonizers that pushed their way through the Mixteca in different forms – the Spanish, cruel and despotic governments, neo-liberals and foreign investors. The constitution of 1917 never included the first peoples of this territory as it supposedly opened the doors of freedom for the Mexican population. Neither was this freedom realized through the San Andres Accords of 1996 between the Mexican government and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) – a further attempt to reclaim that liberty which had been quashed for hundreds of years – and once again denied with the failure of government to honor its word.

But the Mixtecos, like so many of their Indigenous sisters and brothers across this territory known as Mexico, are not waiting patiently on the other side of the door for a miracle to happen. The knowledge that the State does not act benevolently in a way that destroys its own hegemonic and capitalist entity, has been part of the conscience of many of these first peoples since the time that the beast of colonialism has stalked them in these lands. It is a knowledge that is sometimes so difficult to assimilate for those of us who still hold on to the little or many privileges that the State gives us specifically so that this stubborn nature doesn't propagate like a virus of rebelious spirit.

In the Triqui community of Laguna Guadalupe, in the Oaxacan Mixteca, a schoolteacher who is also one of the community authorities and a member of the community radio committee, shares that although many members of the community have never placed a foot outside its limits, “they know which path we need to take”.

“In fact, we have always participated with organizations on the left because if we speak of political parties, well they say they are from the left but then they are making agreements with parties of the right and we don't agree with that...In fact, this community has always stayed away from the government. There is a saying that it is a rebelious community.”

The rebeliousness he refers to breaks through the limitations of romanticized images of a movement that is always solid, unified, unbreakable and which includes the majority of the population. Although the utopic vision is always present and described in different forms by various companeros, acting as a horizon that guides the steps and sometimes the bounds of the struggle, here there is also an honesty about the difficulties, the disappointments, the challenges in finding common ground on the left, the close allies that sell out, the profiteering of so-called leftist organizations, the lack of resources, of people and ofcourse, the constant threat of the enemy who always seems to be one step ahead.

But the work that is described by this teacher, other allies working with the Centre of Community Support Working United A.C. (CACTUS) in Huajuapan and later by a Zapatista companera in Chiapas, has been constructed over years. It is the preparation, the conscience development, the base building which occurs with every workshop, every health promoter that is trained, every independent school that is opened, every autonomous radio that hits the airwaves, or the three that spring up when one is dismantled by the government, and every individual decision to take up a life of militancy.

This ant work, that is done step by step, and is – as our Zapatista companera puts it - “slow but sure”, doesn't lack a sense of urgency despite often times not being visible. Nor does it lack a “radical” nature. The pace of the work is in reality accelerated and it is done from dusk to dawn. It doesn't consume the lives of those who do it – it is their life. And the luxury of waiting for things to change is not given to those fighting in the Oaxacan Mixteca, in the heartland of Zapatismo or the militarized zones of Guerrero. Neither is it extended to those suffering the designed punishment of violence and poverty in Mexico City. Across the country, for those in the struggle, there is a palpable sense that the “new revolution in Mexico that we are lacking so greatly” as one companero puts it, has to happen now. Furthermore, for those luchadores doing this work behind the surface, creating the bases through different methods and tools, the radical character of the work is easily revealed when one considers the response of the government – assasinations, disappearances, detentions, torture and threats. If this is the response, it must in part speak to being on the right path.

The words of one of CACTUS' founding members resonate with what we are told by other allies in other parts of the country – that while repression is alive in every moment, there are also new forms and new dynamics being born, like a vehicle that changes parts but never stops moving.

“After 2006 and the repression, an environment of militarization is created and the social conflict of Oaxaca moves to the communities... Regardless, the people of the rural and urban areas still hope for things to change... So it's important to understand that APPO was a social movement that had a beginning and an end... that it came together in specific, historical moments and that it was only a base for the demanding of democratization of the state... It was and is a social movement that has generated and propagated other popular dynamics whose results we'll be seeing in the coming years – how this struggle will give rise to new ones in the state.”

The problems appear to be universal, and he mentions some of them. It's an error to centralize knowledge and tools in a political organization, he shares; no one should be indispensable, though we are all important. The organizations should be albe to carry on despite one member leaving. He also speaks to the importance of security measures – a conversation tainted by sadness and rage over the assassinations of three companeros working with CACTUS between December of 2007 and May of 2008.

And penetrating everything, the color of impunity. Since April 7th, 2008, when Felicitas Martinez and Teresa Bautista, two young Triqui women working with the Community Radio “The Voice that Breaks the Silence” in San Juan Copala, Oaxaca were assassinated, the only response from the Special Investigator for Crimes Committed Against Journalists (FEADP) of the General Prosecuter of the Republic (PGR) has been that the murders were a matter of confusion.

“They were circumstancial victims of an aggression that was directed at the driver of the vehicle in which they were travelling” and their assassination “had nothing to do with the communications work they were doing for the Voice that Breaks the Silence”.

This companero who is based in Huajuapan and whose work with CACTUS has involved coordinating with the, until now, seven community radios that the organization has helped set up as part of the Indigenous Community Radio Network of the Mexican Southeast (RRICSM), tells us confidently that the decision of the Special Investigator is a political one – a further act of impunity in an unending list that has left so many without an ounce of confidence in the government.

For the first time, publicly, despite the worry about the consequences of sharing this information, he relates the details of the reconstruction of the crime from the Prosecutor's investigation.

“I was present during the reconstruction of the assassination of the companeras. And well, the assassination involved a barrage of bullets. Not only after the ambush, but the assassins also approached the car, opened the doors and with them in there, sitting in the back seat, they opened fire again.”

In distinct parts of the country, Indigenous communities are reclaiming what the schoolteacher in La Laguna refers to as the right of having their own communication – one of the points discussed during the San Andres Accords and a guiding principle of the work of the Indigenous Community Radio Network. And speaking the truth, as always, comes with a heavy price. Our Zapatista companera confirms that the repression against autonomous radio doesn't end at the peripheries of Oaxaca.

“There is more and more pressure, more vigilance, the situation is heavy... The peaceful forms of resistence are running out.”

This sentiment, or more accurately reality, is backed up some days later, during the first participation of Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos as part of the First World Gathering of Dignified Rage in San Cristobal de las Casas, Chiapas.

“The Zapatistas don't support the flag of pacificism that is raised so that others have to be the ones that turn the other cheek, nor the violence that is brought on when others have to pay with their dead.”

In an informal exchange illuminated by the Oaxacan sun, the conversation turns inwards when the recorder is turned off – a dialogue between organizers, sharing experiences, speaking of the past in order to look forwards, a few days before the new year.

There is a return to the theme of militancy, without definitions of the methods or tools. There is an acceptance that the methods need to be varied; that the subject of debate isn't whether one organizes with workers or empowering women, whether the tool of choice is a radio transmitter or a clown's outfit in order to do street theatre, whether one focuses on literacy or health. But a definition seems to emerge in an unspoken consensus – that struggling needs to be a way of life that permeates and transforms every aspect of it. And that through the individual committment to create a movement that not only knows how to respond but also to create and that can prepare itself for the most brutal repression, which is assured but which can also be meticulously prepared for, there also emerges collective strength. We come back to the concept of individual will as part of a collective project as a means to break with individualistic attitudes that have been a backbone of capitalist exploitation.

The theme is touched anew during the speeches of the Gathering of Dignified Rage – where experiences of militancy are gathered and shared from the world over.

An organizer with the General Confederation of Work (CGT) of Spain, speaks about the challenges we face in our common struggle – ending capitalism. And militancy, named in so many different ways – personal transformation, dedication, preparation, committment, radicalizing our organizations, etc... is the central idea of his talk.

An ally from the Mi'kmaq nation, who finds himself far from his territory in eastern Canada puts forth: “For Indigenous peoples, militancy or being a warrior doesn't have the Western definition. It's a committment to your responsibilities, it's a life long committment to protect and defend your land, your family and your community. It isn't a domination or a monopolization of militancy that the State exercises through its armies. It's an individual decision to defend the collective, and it's our right for the years of repression we've suffered.” Here in the southeast of Mexico, a mural in Oventic reflects his words - “When you learn to cry for something, you also learn to defend it”. Resistences find each other.

In this environment, there is no way of ignoring it. There is a festive ambiance in Oventic that also flows through the events in San Cristobal. Surely, the reasons for which people have come to the Encuentro are as varied as the faces that are present. Unfortunately, it's probable that as happens with many of our marches, mega-meetings and momentary encounters, many of those who shout revolutionary slogans when 2009 hits the heavy fog of these mountains, won't be present for the trepidous road that lies ahead of the party. As different representatives of the EZLN mention, there are many reasons to celebrate. And one can receive these words with respect and understanding from a group of people who have walked that road with mask and gun in the defence of those things that so many of us on the left hold as sacred – life, freedom, dignity and justice. Their's isn't the only way. But they have put their lives on the line to do it their way. This is a celebration. But it is a celebration of 25 years of the formation of the EZLN and 15 years of their uprising and take-over of 7 “cabeceras municipales” (municipalities) in this zone of Mexico, a January first which marks the memory of those who dream of utopia in all the latitudes of the world.

And so, there are also no apologies for those who feel insulted by the clear rejection of political parties, the audacity to seize one's rights, the acceptance of all forms of struggle deemed necessary and the discipline, the committment, the preparation but also the love, dreams and dignified rage that define the militancy that will turn that utopia into a concrete reality. As Marcos makes evident what so many of these fighters we have met on the different paths of struggle have said to us, there is no room for apologies here.

“They met us in war. We have remained in war for the past 15 years. We will continue in war until this corner of the world known as Mexico can call its destiny its own without tricks, without forgeries, without simulations.”

----------------------------------------------------
Caminos de Lucha en el México Rabioso

por Mandeep Dhillon - 8 de enero

Una compañera luchadora en Huajuapan de León, en el estado de Oaxaca dice que son “Mixtercos” - es decir, necios, necios, necios... Que luchan por todo. Pero que ser necios también les ha permitido sobrevivir más de 500 años de intentos de acabar con ellos – a manos de colonizadores que han entrado forzosamente a la Mixteca en diferentes formas – los Españoles, los gobiernos crueles y déspotas, los neo-liberales y los inversionistas extranjeros. La constitución de 1917 nunca incluyó a los primeros pueblos de este territorio mientras que supuestamente abrió las puertas a la libertad al pueblo mexicano. Tampoco se dió esa libertad a través de los Acuerdos de San Andrés de 1996 entre el gobierno mexicano y el Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) – un intento de reclamar esa libertad que había sido aplastada desde cientos de años – y otra vez negada con el rechazo del gobierno de cumplir la palabra.

Pero los Mixtecos, como tantos de sus hermanas y hermanos indígenas en este territorio conocido como México, no están esperando tranquilamente al otro lado de la puerta, esperando un milagro. Saber que el Estado hegemónico y capitalista no actúa generosamente, de forma auto-destructora, ha sido parte de la conciencia de muchos de esos primeros pueblos desde aquel tiempo cuando el animal salvaje de colonialismo les ha merodeado en estas tierras. Es un conocimiento a veces tán difícil a integrar para aquellos de nosotros que todavía seguimos aferrados a los pocos o muchos privilegios que nos da el mismo Estado justamente para que esta naturaleza necia no se propague como un virus de espíritu revoltoso.

En la comunidad Triqui de Laguna Guadalupe, en la Mixteca Oaxaqueña, un maestro que también es una de las autoridades comunitarias y miembro del comité de la radio comunitaria, nos cuenta que aunque muchos del pueblo nunca han puesto pie fuera de la comunidad, “saben que camino tenemos que tomar”.

“De hecho, siempre hemos participado con organizaciones de la izquierda porque si hablamos de partidos políticos, pues dicen que son de la izquierda pero luego están haciendo acuerdos con partidos de la derecha y nosotros no estamos de acuerdo con eso... De hecho, esta comunidad siempre se ha mantenido al margen del gobierno. Hay un dicho que es una comunidad rebelde.”

La rebeldía a que se refiere rompe las limitaciones de imágenes romanticas de un movimiento que siempre es sólido, unificado, invencible que incluye la mayoría de la población. Aunque la visión utópica es vigente y descrita de forma diferente por varios compañeros, sirviendo como un horizonte que guía los pasos y a veces los saltos de la lucha – aquí también hay una honestidad sobre las dificultades, las decepciones, los retos en buscar un frente común en la izquierda, los compañeros cercanos que se venden, el protagonismo de las dichas organizaciones de izquierda que sacan los provechos de su posición o poder, la falta de recursos, gente y por supuesto, la amenaza constante del enemigo que siempre parece estar a un paso adelante.

Pero el trabajo que nos da a conocer este maestro, otros compañeros luchando a través del Centro de Apoyo Comunitario Trabajando Unidos A.C. (CACTUS) en Huajuapan y luego una compañera Zapatista en Chiapas – ha sido construido desde años. Es la preparación, el desarrollo de conciencia, la construcción de la base que ocurre con cada taller, cada promotora de salud que está entrenada, cada escuela autónoma que está abierta, cada radio autónoma que encuentra las ondas, o las tres que nacen cuando una está desmantelada por el gobierno, y cada decisión individual de asumir una vida de militancia.

El trabajo de hormigas, que se hace paso por paso, y como lo describe nuestra compañera Zapatista, es “lento pero seguro”, aunque muchas veces no se ve, no significa que falte un sentido de urgencia. Tampoco quiere decir que le falta un aspecto “radical”. El ritmo de ese trabajo es acelerado, y se hace de madrugada hasta los ultimos momentos de las noches oscuras. No consume las vidas de los que lo hacen – es su vida. Y no se les da el lujo de esperar que se hagan los cambios a los que están luchando en la Mixteca Oaxaqueña, en el corazón del Zapatismo, o las zonas militarizadas de Guerrero. Tampoco se les extiende a los que están padeciendo el castigo planeado de pobreza y violencia en la ciudad de México. A través del país, para los y las que están en la lucha, hay una sensación palpable que la “nueva revolución en México que tanto nos hace falta” como lo dice un compañero, tiene que hacerse ya. Además, para las y los luchadores haciendo ese trabajo que casi siempre se queda bajo la tierra o detrás de las pantallas de protagonismo, creando las bases con diferentes métodos y herramientas, el elemento radical del trabajo se desnuda facilmente cuando consideramos la respuesta del gobierno – asesinatos, desapariciones, encarcelamientos, tortura y amenazas. Si esto es la respuesta, quiere decir en parte del buen rumbo que están tomando.

Las palabras de uno de los miembros fundadores de CACTUS, coinciden con lo que nos dicen otros aliados en otras partes del país – que mientras que se viva la represión en cada momento, también hay nuevas formas y nuevas dinámicas, como un carro que cambia de piezas pero no se detiene.

“Después de 2006 y la represión, se genera un ambiente de militarización y el conflicto social de Oaxaca se traslada a las comunidades... Sin embargo, la gente de los pueblos y la gente de la ciudad aún espera que algo sea diferente... Por eso, entender que la APPO era un movimiento social que tiene principio y tiene fin... que se da en momentos específicos, históricos y que sólamente es un base de la exigencia de la democratización de un estado... Fue y es un movimiento social que ha generado y desatado otras dinámicas populares que en proximos años estará viendo como este nacimiento, esta lucha va a tener otras nuevas luchas en el estado.”

Los problemas parecen univerales, y este compañero menciona algunos de ellos. Es un error centralizar el conocimiento y las herramientas en una organización política, nos comparte – nadie debe de ser indespensable, aunque todos y todas somos importantes, la organización tiene que ser capaz de seguir a pesar de que un miembro se vaya. También habla acerca de la importancia de las medidas de seguridad – una plática matizada por la tristeza y la rabia por los asesinatos de tres compañeros en el trabajo con CACTUS entre diciembre de 2007 y mayo de 2008.

Y penetrando todo, el color de la impunidad. Desde el 7 de abril de 2008, cuando Felicitas Martínez y Teresa Bautista, dos jovenes mujeres Triquis trabajando con la Radio Comunitaria “La Voz que Rompe el Silencio” en San Juan Copala, Oaxaca fueron asesinadas, la única respuesta de la Fiscalía Especial para la Atención de Delitos Cometidos Contra Periodistas (FEADP) de la Procuraduría General de la República (PGR) ha sido, que la matanza fue una confusión.

“Fueron víctimas circunstanciales de una agresión que iba dirigida al conductor del vehículo donde ellas viajaban"
y su asesinato "no tuvo que ver con el ejercicio de comunicación que desempeñaban en La Voz que Rompe el Silencio”.

Este compañero que radica en Huajuapan, cuyo trabajo con CACTUS también ha involucrado coordinar con las, hasta ahora, siete radios comunitarias que la organización ha apoyado como parte de la Red de Radios Indígenas Comunitarias del Sureste Mexicano, nos dice con confianza que la decisión de la Fiscalía ha sido sumamente política – un acto de impunidad más en una lista interminable que ha dejado a tantos sin confianza en el gobierno.

Por primera vez, de una manera pública, a pesar de la preocupación por las consecuencias de compartir esta información, nos relata los detalles de la reconstrucción del crimen, de la investigación de la Procuraduría.

“Me tocó estar presente durante la reconstrucción del asesinato de las compañeras. Y bueno, el asesinato fue a quemaropa. No solamente después de la emboscada que les hicieron sino los asesinos llegaron, abrieron las puertas.. estando ahí ellas adentro, sentadas detrás del respaldo de los asientos, jalaron nuevamente los gatillos.”

En distintas partes del país, las comunidades indígenas están reclamando lo que el maestro de La Laguan llama el derecho de tener su propia comunicación – uno de los puntos discutidos durante los Acuerdos de San Andrés, y un principio del trabajo de la Red de Radios Indígenas Comunitarias del Sureste Mexicano. Y hablar la verdad, como siempre, viene con un alto precio. Nuestra compañera Zapatista confirma que la represión contra las radios autónomas no se detiene en los límites de Oaxaca.

“Hay más y más presión, más vigilancia, es una situación pesada... Las formas de resistencia pacífica se están agotando.”

Este sentimiento, o realidad más bien, esta respaldado unos días después, durante la primera intervención del Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos como parte del Primer Encuentro Mundial de la Digna Rabia en San Cristóbal de las Casas, Chiapas.

“Los zapatistas no apoyamos el pacifismo que se enarbola para que sea otro el que ponga la otra mejilla, ni la violencia que se alienta cuando son otros quienes ponen los muertos.”

En un intercambio informal bajo el sol oaxaqueño, la conversación se vuelve hacia adentro – un diálogo entre organizadores, compartiendo sus experiencias, hablando del pasado para poder mirar hacía adelante, unos diás antes del nuevo año.

Se retoma el tema de la militancia, sin definiciones de los métodos o herramientas. Hay una aceptación que los métodos tienen que ser variados; que el sujeto de debate no es si uno se organiza con los trabajadores o empoderando a las mujeres, si la herramienta eligida de uno es un transmisor de radio o un vestuario de payaso para hacer teatro callejero, si uno se enfoca en alfabetización o la salud. Pero una definición parece surgir en un consenso no hablado – que luchar tiene que ser una forma de vida que permea y transforma cada aspecto de ella. Y que a través del compromiso individual de crear un movimiento que no sólo sabe responder pero también crear y prepararse por la represión más brutal, que es asegurada pero para la cual nos podemos preparar cuidadosamente, también se consolida la fuerza colectiva. Volvemos al concepto de la voluntad individual como parte de un proyecto colectivo, a manera de romper con las actitudes individualistas que han sido una columna vertebral de la explotación capitalista.

El tema está tocado de nuevo durante los discursos del Encuentro de la Digna Rabia – cuando historias de militancia son conjuntadas e intercambiadas de diferentes rincones del mundo.

Un organizador con la Confederación General del Trabajo (CGT) de España, habla de los retos que tenemos en nuestra lucha común – acabar con el capitalismo. Y la militancia, nombrada de formas tan variadas – transformación personal, dedicación, preparación, compromiso, radicalizar a nuestras organizaciones, etc... es la idea central de su discurso.

Nos dice un compañero del pueblo Mi'kmaq que se encuentra lejos de su tierra en el este de Canadá: “Para nosotros los indígenas, la militancia o ser un guerrero, no tiene la definición occidental. Es un compromiso con tus responsabilidades, es un compromiso a lo largo de tu vida, de proteger y defender tu tierra, tu familia, tu comunidad. No es una dominación, ni una monopolización de la militancia como lo hace el Estado con sus ejércitos. Es una decisión individual de defender el colectivo, y es nuestro derecho por los años de represión que hemos sufrido.” Aquí en el sureste de México, un mural en Oventic refleja sus palabras - “Cuando aprendes a llorar por algo, también aprendes a defenderlo”. Las resistencias se encuentran.

En este ambiente, no hay manera de ignorarlo. Hay un ambiente festivo en Oventic que también sigue en los eventos de San Cristóbal. Seguramente, las razones por las cuales están participando en este encuentro son tan variadas como los rostros que están presentes. Lamentablemente, es probable que como ocurre muchas veces en nuestras marchas, mega-mítines y encuentros momentarios, muchos que gritan consignas revolucionarias cuando el 2009 toca la neblina gruesa de estas montañas ya no estarán presentes en el camino sinuoso que se encuentra después de la fiesta. Como mencionan diferentes representantes del EZLN, hay muchas razones porque celebrar. Y uno puede recibir estas palabras con respeto y entendimiento de un grupo de personas que han marchado en ese camino con máscara y fusíl en defensa de aquellas cosas que tantos de nosotros en la izquierda vemos como sagradas – vida, libertad, dignidad y justicia. Su camino no es el único. Pero han dado sus vidas para mantenerlo. Esto es una celebración. Pero es una celebración de 25 años de la formación del EZLN y 15 años de su levantamiento y la toma de siete cabeceras municipales en esta zona de México, un primero de enero que marca la memoria de las y los que sueñan con la utopía en todas las latitudes del mundo.

Y entonces, tampoco se piden disculpas para los que se sienten insultados por el rechazo claro de los partidos políticos, la audacia de tomar los derechos de uno, la aceptación de todas las formas de lucha que sean necesarias y la disciplina, el compromiso, la preparación, pero tambíen el amor, los sueños y la digna rabia que definen la militancia que hará de esa utopía una realidad concreta. Como hace evidente Marcos lo que nos han dicho tantos compañeros en diferentes caminos de lucha en el país, aquí no hay lugar para disculpas.

“En guerra nos conocieron. En guerra nos hemos mantenido estos 15 años. En guerra seguiremos hasta que este rincón del mundo llamado México llame suyo su propio destino sin trampas, sin suplantaciones, sin simulaciones”.

From Narconews.com

From the Festival of Dignified Rage, the organizations, collectives, and individual participants strongly condemn the horrendous massacre perpetrated by the Israeli military against the civilian population of the Gaza Strip on December 27th of this year, resulting in hundreds of injured and dead people, the majority civilians. This crime represents a dangerous increase in the permanent holocaust that is committed against the Palestinian people with United States financing and the world's enabling, hypocritical, and disgraceful silence.

The biggest Israeli air attack in the past 40 years, carried out with F-16 planes and Apache helicopters supplied by the United States, was announced beforehand by the Israeli Minister of Foreign Affairs Tzipi Livni, who stated on December 9 that the Israeli army should carry out a large-scale military offensive in Gaza in retaliation for that which she described as "the violation of the truce."

The operation against Hamas "is just beginning," said Avi Benayahu, one of the Israeli military's spokespersons, while Israel's Minister of Defense, Ehud Barak, declared that the attacks would continue for "as long as necessary," and alluded to an imminent land invasion carried out by the military.

As always, Israel presents itself as the victim that demands the right of self-defense against terrorism, and the corporate media promotes the lie that the slaughter was in response to the Hamas party's launching of Qassam missiles. In reality these missiles are symbolic and almost never cause Israeli victims. In fact, during the recent truce from June 19 to December 19, the Palestinians in Gaza didn't kill a single Israeli civilian, while Israel killed 49 Palestinians. The argument of self-defense against terrorism is also used to justify the merciless blockade which began in January 2006 immediately after Hamas won the legislative elections.

Their goal? Punish the Palestinians in Gaza for having elected a government that is unacceptable for Israel. Thanks to this effort to starve to death Gaza inhabitants, the hospitals don't have the necessary medicine, medical supplies, electricity, potable water, or food to care for the wounded. While the world leaders criticize Hamas' provocations, they limit themselves to criticizing Israel's "disproportional use of force." However, the ferocity of this latest slaughter has provoked the rage of hundreds of thousands of people who are holding marches and rallies in many parts of the world.

Due to all of the above, we manifest our dignified rage against this genocidal attack against Gaza and we call upon the international community to resist the military offensive and exercise continual pressure on the Israeli government in order to stop the crimes against the Palestinian people.

NO TO THE MILITARY ATTACKS AGAINST GAZA!
NO TO THE STARVATION BLOCKADE!
NO TO POLITICAL AND FINANCIAL SUPPORT TO ISRAEL!
LONG LIVE THE PALESTINIAN PEOPLE AND THEIR DIGNIFIED RESISTANCE!

To our compañeros and compañeras in The Other Campaign,
To our compañeros and compañeras in the Zezta Internazional,
To the adherents to the International Declaration in Defense of El Barrio,
To our allies all over the world:

From "The Other New York," in East Harlem (El Barrio), Movement for Justice in El Barrio celebrates a second great victory in the struggle against neoliberal displacement and reaffirms that "El Barrio is not for sale".

On Sunday, August 24th, 2008, in a March for Dignity and Against Displacement, members of Movement for Justice in El Barrio celebrated our victory over the most powerful landlord in East Harlem: the London-based multi-national corporation, Dawnay Day Group. Dawnay, Day has fallen prey to its own greed and, last month announced that it is now selling its properties to cover its debts. This celebration was made possible thanks to the unity of those of us who fought and continue to fight against transnational plans to gentrify East Harlem; to fill our community with hotels, banks, and housing that are only accessible to the wealthy and to push out all poor families from our Barrio.

Dawnay, Day Group is the second landlord that has failed in its attempts to impose its plans to crush the spirit of El Barrio, and instead, was forced to leave El Barrio and to sell its property. In our struggle against the greed of large transnational corporations, we are counting not only on local solidarity but also on the solidarity and support of our allies worldwide. Thanks to those who have supported us on an international level who's resistance has resounded across Europe, particularly in the United Kingdom, where Dawnay Day has its base.

This long struggle now claims two defeated landlords and many politicians exposed. These corporations try to push us out, they try to push out poor people, immigrant tenants, African-Americans, Latin Americans, Asians, and small-business owners. But the corporations are not alone in their attempts to displace us, they count on the support of the federal government (Republican controlled) and local governing bodies (Democrat controlled) as they seek to defeat us. We've had to put up with attempts at bribery by the local Democrat controlled government: our members have received offers for well-paying jobs that came with the condition that they leave our movement. When these tactics did not have their intended divide and conquer effect, local representatives resorted to other corrupt strategies: slander, the spreading of unfounded rumors, the formation of divisive groups friendly to the local government that seek to divide rather than unite the community. However, despite the abuse from this transnational corporation (which we granted the prize of "Worst Landlord" in one of our community marches) or the attacks from our local government (spearheaded by the Council Member Melissa Mark Viverito) we have not been held back. This is a struggle for a world where those who are excluded fit in; where Mexican and Dominicans immigrants in East Harlem alike, alongside the marginalized Puerto Ricans, African Americans, and Asians, will resist in order to fight back against attempts to push us from El Barrio for being different and for being poor.

Our march was a confirmation of our unity in our struggle against capitalism. We marched from 116th street, stopping at the luxurious home of Council Member Melissa Mark Viverito, to remind her that "El Barrio Will Not Sell Out Like She Did." One of our members, whom the council member tried to buy off by offering him a job, spoke. Our brother stood in front of her house and denounced "the actions of the Council Member Melissa Mark Viverito, who is supposed to support the community in El Barrio, and who, it is plain to see, is actually supporting the displacement of the poor…as you can all see, she is rich. Look at where she lives. She does not know what it is to live without hot water, without heat during hard winters. She doesn't know what it is to live with bedbugs, rats, sunken roofs, cockroaches and lead poisoning, which are the conditions poor people like us experience thanks to politicians like her, who, alongside the representatives of West Harlem and Central Harlem, voted for the expansion of Columbia University and the rezoning plans on 125th street, which will effect thousands of marginalized, low-income people."

From Viverito's home we marched towards the offices of transnational
corporation Dawnay Day Group in order to remind them that we will resist all
attempts, theirs and others, at pushing out the immigrant, African-American, Latin American and Asian women and men who have built El Barrio. We will resist alongside small business owners, street vendors, and everyone who is poor and opposes the plans devised by multinational corporations and capitalist politicians.

Lastly, brothers and sisters of The Other Campaign and the Zezta Internacional, we received with great sadness and pain the news of the criminal, vengeful, arbitrary, and repressive sentences against the political prisoners being held captive in Altiplano Prison and in the Molino de las Flores Prison. These prisoners are victims of the massacre that took place in Atenco due to resistance against attempts to create luxurious airports throughout Mexico as part of policies promoting neoliberal urban displacement. Our heart is with the brothers being held captive, our struggles are the same and we will not rest until all of those who struggled for justice in Atenco and were unjustly arrested have been released. At the moment we are developing a plan to build awareness and spread the word on a local level, which will include public workshops exposing what has happened to our brothers and sisters in Atenco.

In sister and brotherhood,

Movement for Justice in El Barrio
From the Other New York
October, 2008
El Barrio, NY

Here and There, in El Barrio, in Chiapas and in Atenco, the struggle will go on!
Here and there, The Other Campaign goes on!